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The Sudanese commander known as Hemedti, previously made his fortune trading camels and gold. Currently, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces control nearly half of Sudan.

Seizing Power in Darfur

The RSF recently achieved a significant triumph by overrunning the city of al-Fasher, which was the last remaining military stronghold in the Darfur area.

Hated and dreaded by his enemies, Hemedti is respected by his loyalists for his determination and his vow to overthrow the discredited state.

Modest Origins

Hemedti's origins are modest. He comes from the Mahariya clan of the Rizeigat tribe, an Arabic-speaking group that straddles the Chad-Sudan border region.

His birth year is approximately 1975, like many from rural areas, his exact birth details were never recorded.

Guided by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his clan relocated to Darfur in the late 20th century, escaping war and seeking better opportunities.

Early Career

After leaving school in his adolescence, Hemedti began earning by trading camels across the desert to Libya and Egypt.

During that period, Darfur was a lawless frontier—impoverished, neglected by the regime of then-President Omar al-Bashir.

Arab militiamen known as the Janjawid raided villages of the indigenous Fur, triggering a full-scale rebellion in 2003.

Ascendancy Amid Conflict

As a countermeasure, Bashir massively expanded the Janjaweed to spearhead his counter-insurgency campaign. They soon became infamous for widespread atrocities.

Hemedti's force was among them, accused in destroying the village of Adwa in November 2004, claiming the lives of 126 people, including dozens of minors.

A US investigation concluded that the Janjaweed were guilty of crimes against humanity.

Strategic Maneuvering

After the peak of violence in 2004, Hemedti skillfully navigated his rise to become head of a powerful paramilitary force, a business network, and a political organization.

He briefly mutinied, requesting back-pay for his fighters, promotions, and a political position for his brother. Bashir granted most of his demands.

Later, when other Janjaweed units rebelled, Hemedti commanded government forces that defeated them, gaining control Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jebel Amir.

Quickly, his business venture Al-Gunaid became Sudan's largest gold exporter.

Institutionalizing Influence

By 2013, Hemedti requested and obtained official recognition as commander of the newly formed Rapid Support Forces, reporting directly to Bashir.

Former militiamen were absorbed into the RSF, receiving modern equipment and training.

International Connections

The RSF fought in the Darfur conflict, performed less successfully in the Nuba Mountains, and took on a contract to police the border with Libya.

Ostensibly curbing illicit migration, Hemedti's commanders also excelled at extortion and people-trafficking.

By 2015, Gulf nations requested Sudanese troops for the Yemen conflict. Hemedti struck his own agreement to provide his fighters as contractors.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved highly significant, marking the start of a close relationship with Emirati leadership.

Expanding Influence

Young Sudanese men trekked to RSF recruiting centers for cash payments of up to $6,000.

Hemedti struck a partnership with Russia's Wagner Group, receiving training in exchange for business arrangements, particularly in the gold trade.

He visited Moscow coincided with the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Political Betrayal

As protests grew, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the city of Khartoum, dubbing him himayti.

It was a miscalculation. In April 2019, when demonstrators demanded democracy, Bashir instructed troops to shoot. Instead, the generals deposed him.

For a time, Hemedti was celebrated as a fresh face for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but that lasted only weeks.

Renewed Brutality

When power wasn't transferred, Hemedti unleashed the RSF, which committed massacres, assaulted females, and allegedly drowned men in the Nile.

Hemedti has rejected that the RSF engaged in war crimes.

Pressed by international powers, the military and civil leaders agreed to a compromise, leading to an uneasy partnership for several years.

Current Conflict

As an investigation began examining army businesses, the two generals dismissed the civilians and took control.

However, they disagreed. Burhan insisted the RSF be integrated into the military. Hemedti resisted.

In April 2023, RSF units moved to surround key bases in Khartoum. The takeover effort was unsuccessful, and violence broke out city-wide.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF launching brutal attacks against the Masalit people.

International organizations report thousands of casualties, with the American officials calling it ethnic cleansing.

Present Situation

The RSF has acquired modern weapons, including military drones, used to strike army positions and crucial in the assault on al-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the national military.

Hemedti has formed a rival administration, the so-called unity government, taking the chairmanship.

After taking al-Fasher, the RSF now controls almost all inhabited territory west of the Nile.

After allegations of atrocities, Hemedti declared an investigation into abuses perpetrated by his soldiers.

Many believe Hemedti envisions himself as president of a breakaway state or still aims to control the entire country.

Alternatively, he may become a political puppet master, controlling a vast network of interests.

And as Hemedti's forces commit violence in al-Fasher, he seems assured of impunity in a global community that overlooks.